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批判教育学的权力批判,沦为一种再生产与抵制话语的强迫重复现象。这种误区根源于他们试图从权力外部入手、寻求客观知识进行抵制的思路,没有正确识别当前教育权力的多元构成特点,以及权力与主体之间的共构关系。福柯式微观权力分析发现,教育权力由国家、地方、教师、儿童等多元矛盾性主体偶然性构成,其目的在于生产儿童。这些特征决定了有效的权力批判必须从权力关系内部入手、发挥批判者自身的觉悟意识,以自身主体性的分析为内容而展开。
Abstract:Power critique of Critical Pedagogy has been reduced to compulsive competition revolving around"reproduction"and"resistance". The wrong cognition was stem from their misunderstanding of power in education and relationship between power and subject. Resistance outside of power, or dependence on objective knowledge,would not make critique successful. From the power analysis of Michel Foucault,it turned out that power in education consists contingently of that of the state,the region,the teacher and the child,aiming to bring the child into being. So the effective power critique works from within subjectivity: the critic itself should be aware of the mechanism of power,and understanding how he / she was produced by it.
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①批判教育学的主要观点总结:⑴强调权力对于知识和社会身份的生产和再生产,忽视了权力形式的变化,以及个体在权力关系中的能动性。⑵意识到理论的悲观情绪后,将“抵制”融入“再生产”概念中,试图从权力关系外部寻找对抗社会权力和阶层再生产的武器,最后发展为诉诸客观知识,争取权力、摆脱受压制状态的身份政治学现象。⑶强迫性复现症。30多年来始终重复相同内涵的概念——再生产和抵制。
②正是因为扬坚持“知识与权力之间存在着区别”的认识,所以他才主张“将知识带回来”(Young,2008),言外之意要赶走“在教育中占据主导地位”的权力。
①批判教育学家并非真的“无身份”,而是他们看不到自己为权力关系所建构的事实,根本原因在于他们一味坚持权力的压抑与异化作用,忽视了权力生产主体的功能与主体在生产中的能动性作用。
①当然,在两者的类比中有一点是不同的:对于儿童来说,木线轴所代表的母亲是真实的;可对于批判教育学家而言,木线轴所代表的实体权力却是虚幻的,因为其形式已经发生了新的变化。所以此处的权力加了引号。或许,在这种长期的替换游戏中,这些“玩具”能够为批判学家们提供安慰。
①在考察教育空间中权力的偶然性与矛盾性构成时,兹将学生权力与教师权力并为权力的一极,将国家权力作为另一极。因为前两者的权力理性在于实现个体化效应,学生的自我发展效应是教师权力个体化效应的重要内容。于是在面对集体化效应的国家权力时可将它们合并,作为教育空间中权力的一极;而国家权力的理性在于集体化效应,于是与前者形成了对立或矛盾,它构成了教育空间中权力的另一极。
②“在义务教育阶段,将10%~12%的课时量给予了地方课程和校本课程的开发与实施,从而形成了国家课程、地方课程和学校课程三级课程并行的层次结构。”(朱慕菊,2002,22)
①本文论述的儿童思维习惯或心理特征,除非特别指出,一般是指在意识层面而不是无意识层面。社会化正常的个体,一般很少会生活在自己的无意识世界中;否则,社会排除机制会将其界定为“他者”而不容许其存在。
基本信息:
中图分类号:G40-091
引用信息:
[1]戎庭伟.福柯、主体性与权力批判——兼论批判教育学的批判理论[J].全球教育展望,2014,No.322(05):27-35.
2014-05-15
2014-05-15